What we hold, where it came from, and what we do not know

1. 01Every figure carries its source. Each number in this platform is stored with the record it came from. A value derived from a simulated input stays simulated all the way up the chain, and the publish path throws rather than render it here.
2. 02No individual is profiled. The smallest unit this platform reasons about is a polling unit. Monitoring ingests only public broadcast surfaces and the campaign’s own field returns — there is no data structure here capable of holding a private message or a named private citizen. Under the Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023, political affiliation is sensitive personal data, and the safest way to comply is to be unable to collect it.
3. 03The parallel count never touches INEC’s transmission. Where our record and the official record differ, the official record stands. This is result protection and public evidence, not a competing declaration.
4. 04Gaps are published, not closed. Where the data is stale or contradictory, this platform states the size of the gap rather than estimating over it. The largest one is on this page.

The freely available national geography predates INEC’s 2021 polling unit expansion. Administrative structure reconciles exactly — 37 states and 774 LGAs — and the ward count runs +4 against INEC’s declared 8,809. The polling unit roll is a third short.

This is corroborated rather than assumed: the sibling Kaduna deployment holds a post-expansion listing that marks each unit as existing or newly created, and its 5,082 pre-expansion units agree with this source’s 5,070 for Kaduna to within twelve. Two independent sources agreeing to 0.24% is what tells us the gap is the expansion and not an error.

Coverage denominators throughout this platform use INEC’s 176,846, never the smaller bundled figure. Reporting against the smaller number would flatter every coverage percentage by roughly a third.

The Electoral Act 2026 repealed and replaced the Electoral Act 2022 and roughly doubled every ceiling — the presidential limit moved from ₦5bn to ₦10bn. A compliance model built on the old Act understates every ceiling by half or more.

Commentary on the new Act notes there is no established mechanism to monitor or enforce these limits. That is an opportunity rather than an excuse: a campaign that publishes its own spend against the statutory ceiling, sourced and auditable, would be the first to do so. This platform is built to support that and does not yet hold the data.